Feature

The political atmosphere in Kano State has grown increasingly tense as Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf faces mounting pressure over the selection of a new deputy governor, a decision now shaping power alignments ahead of the 2027 general elections. What began as a routine political process has evolved into a high-stakes contest involving competing interests within the All Progressives Congress (APC), with party leaders, regional blocs, and influential stakeholders all seeking to shape the final outcome. The situation intensified following the governor’s recent visit to Abuja, where he met with the immediate past National Chairman of the APC and Chairperson of the Board of the Federal Airports Authority of Nigeria (FAAN), Dr. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje. The meeting, according to insiders, was aimed at consolidating political alliances and aligning strategies ahead of crucial decisions. At the centre of the unfolding contest is the reported endorsement of former Commissioner for Local Government, Murtala Sule Garo, by key power blocs, including figures within the Presidency. However, this move has sparked resistance from influential actors across Kano North and Kano South, who are pushing for a broader selection process rather than a single-candidate imposition. Read Also: CITAD Distributes School Materials to Nomadic Pupils in Kano, Urges Increased Govt Intervention APC Stakeholders Endorse Yusuf Buhari for House of Reps Seat in Katsina Why Gobirawa’s Centuries-Old Agrarian Life is at Risk in Kano Prominent political figures, including Barau Jibrin and Suleiman Abdulrahman Kawu Sumaila, are said to favour a shortlist approach, reflecting concerns over regional balance and inclusivity in power sharing. The debate has also drawn in other stakeholders, with alternative names such as Salisu Sagir Takai, Kabiru Lakwaya, Ahmed Garba Bichi, and Kabiru Rurum being floated across different camps, further complicating the decision-making process. Beyond the political calculations, questions have been raised about Garo’s suitability, with critics pointing to ongoing legal challenges and concerns over his perceived influence base. Some argue that his political strength is overstated, attributing his support largely to his previous position as Commissioner for Local Government under Ganduje, a role that placed him at the centre of grassroots financial structures. According to this view, much of the loyalty he commands may be transactional rather than institutional, raising doubts about his ability to independently mobilise electoral support. The contest has also reignited broader debates about the role of deputy governors in Nigeria’s political system. Many observers describe the office as largely ceremonial, often limited by the authority of the governor, with responsibilities that can be significantly curtailed depending on political dynamics. Analysts argue that while the position is constitutionally important, its practical influence is often shaped by the governor’s discretion, making the choice of occupant as much a political calculation as an administrative one. Amid the competing pressures, Governor Yusuf is said to be weighing multiple options, including previous understandings with key allies within the State Assembly. However, these arrangements are reportedly facing new challenges as external influences and internal party dynamics continue to evolve. There are also indications of growing involvement from the Presidency, with reports suggesting that Bola Ahmed Tinubu has taken interest in the process, further raising the stakes and intensifying pressure on the governor to arrive at a consensus candidate. For many observers, the unfolding scenario highlights the complex interplay between local politics, party structures, and national influence, all converging on a single decision that could shape Kano’s political trajectory. What governors and other political heavyweights must recognise is that the choice of a deputy governor is no longer merely an administrative necessity, but a strategic decision with far-reaching implications for political stability and electoral success. With 2027 on the horizon, Governor Yusuf faces what may be one of the most defining decisions of his political career that could determine not only the balance of power within the state but also his prospects for re-election.

By Murtala Muhammed Rijiyar Zaki Democracy is, at its most essential, an act of trust. Citizens go to the polls, cast their votes, and place in the hands of an elected individual the authority to govern on their behalf. That authority is borrowed, not given. It is conditional, not absolute. It belongs, in the final and irreducible sense, to the people who granted it, and it must be exercised in their interest, not in the interest of whoever helped engineer its acquisition. This elementary principle, the very foundation upon which every credible democracy in the world is constructed is the principle that Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso has spent the better part of three decades systematically, deliberately, and quite unapologetically violating. His violation of it is not accidental. It is not the product of ignorance or misunderstanding. It is the logical expression of a political philosophy that has always placed personal ownership above democratic accountability, and godfather authority above the sovereign will of the people. To understand the full weight of this charge, one must first understand what godfatherism actually means in the Nigerian political context, and why it is not merely an inconvenient feature of our democracy but a fundamental corruption of it. Read Also: APC Founded to Drive Change, Reduce Poverty — Tinubu APC Unveils Full NWC List as Yilwatda, Basiru Retain Top Positions Why Engr. Abba Ganduje is Still Needed in Dawakin Tofa Federal Constituency A political godfather, in the Nigerian tradition, is a figure who uses his resources, his organization, and his influence to install candidates in elective office, with the understanding that those candidates, once elected, will govern not primarily in the interest of the electorate but in the interest of the godfather. The elected official becomes, in this arrangement, less a representative of the people and more a proxy for the man who put him there. The voters, in this model, are not principals whose mandate the elected official is obligated to honor. They are a mechanism, a crowd to be mobilized and demobilized at the godfather’s discretion. This is the model that Kwankwaso has perfected, refined, and deployed with extraordinary effectiveness across his political career. He did not invent godfatherism in Nigerian politics. But he has practiced it at a scale, with a sophistication, and with a degree of institutional embedding that sets him apart. Kwankwasiyya is not simply a network of political supporters. It is a parallel governance structure, a shadow system that has operated alongside formal government in Kano State. In this system, real decisions, appointments, and policy directions are filtered through one central authority. The most instructive way to understand this model is to examine what happens when loyalty gives way to independence. The case of Dr. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje is perhaps the most telling. Once a trusted deputy and successor, his decision to govern independently triggered a prolonged political conflict that destabilised Kano’s political environment. That conflict consumed years of political energy, distorted governance, and deepened divisions within the state. Now, the same pattern appears to be repeating itself with Abba Kabir Yusuf. Having risen through the Kwankwasiyya structure, his emergence as governor came with expectations of loyalty and alignment. But governance demands independence and that independence has again been interpreted as betrayal. Yet, what is described as betrayal is, in reality, democracy functioning as it should. The people of Kano did not elect a movement. They elected a man. That mandate belongs to the electorate not to any political benefactor. Kwankwaso’s reaction reflects a deeper issue: the confusion between influence and ownership. When influence begins to demand obedience, democracy begins to erode. To claim betrayal in such a context is to suggest that public office is privately owned, a notion fundamentally incompatible with democratic principles. The scholarship programme, often cited as a major achievement, must also be viewed within this framework. While it delivered real educational benefits, it also created a structure of political loyalty and expectation. Beneficiaries were not just students, they became part of a political machinery, bound by obligation as much as opportunity. There is also the broader impact on governance. Where loyalty to a political patron outweighs accountability to the people, decision-making becomes distorted. Appointments reflect allegiance rather than competence. Policies serve networks rather than citizens. Over time, these distortions accumulate into systemic underdevelopment. Kano’s structural challenges ranges from unemployment, industrial decline, and dependence on federal allocations, cannot be separated from this governance model. They reflect the long-term consequences of a system that has been accountable to the wrong authority. True political mentorship offers a different model. A mentor builds leaders who can stand independently, govern effectively, and serve the public interest without external control. By that standard, the pattern observed here reflects not mentorship, but dependency. The people of Kano have a right to leadership that is accountable solely to them. They have a right to a governor whose primary obligation is the mandate they granted at the ballot box. Anything less undermines the very essence of democracy. Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s insistence on governing independently is not a betrayal. It is a reaffirmation of democratic principles. It is the system working as it should. For decades, Kwankwaso has built a political movement, but in doing so, appears to have mistaken that movement for a mandate. Organisational strength is not the same as democratic legitimacy. Mobilising support is not equivalent to owning authority. Nigeria’s democracy remains under pressure from forces that seek to convert public office into private control. But each assertion of independence by elected officials represents a step away from that model. Kano does not belong to any individual. It belongs to its people. And the continued insistence on that truth is what will ultimately define the state’s democratic future.

By Umar Idris Shuaibu, Kano In the evolving landscape of Kano politics, discussions around the 2027 general elections have already begun to surface in political circles, with renewed attention focusing on the possible return of Mustapha Bala Dawaki, a former three-term member of the House of Representatives who represented the Dawakin Kudu/Warawa Federal Constituency from 2011 to 2023. Dawaki, who currently serves as Chief of Staff to the National Chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Nentawe Yilwatda, built a reputation during his legislative years as a prominent voice in national budget processes and constituency development initiatives. Beginning his legislative career in 2011 under the platform of the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP), Dawaki later became part of the political movement that produced the All Progressives Congress (APC), under which he continued to serve the Dawakin Kudu/Warawa constituency for three consecutive terms. Throughout his years in the National Assembly, he held several strategic responsibilities, including serving as Chairman of the House Committee on Housing and Habitat and later as Chairman of the influential House Committee on Appropriations, a position that placed him at the centre of legislative oversight on national budget allocations and development priorities. Observers often credit his tenure on the Appropriations Committee with strengthening federal project visibility for his constituency and enhancing his reputation as a legislator with a firm grasp of fiscal policy and development planning. Read Also: 2027 Race: Ministers, Aides Set for Exit as Political Ambitions Intensify Eid-el-Fitr: Hon. Muhammad Sanusi S. Kiru, FCIA, Felicitates Muslim Ummah, Urges Unity and Sustained Values Why Science College Dawakin Kudu Remains a Pride of Kano’s Educational Heritage Beyond legislative work, Dawaki is also known for his philanthropic efforts, particularly in the education sector. He founded and personally finances the Police Private School in Dawakin Kudu, an institution that has provided quality education to more than 700 students in the area. His community-driven initiatives have earned him the local title “Mai Gidan Ruwa,” reflecting the perception among supporters that his public service extended beyond parliamentary debates to practical grassroots development. However, Dawaki’s long legislative run came to an end during the 2023 general elections following a political contest shaped by shifting alliances and campaign narratives. Political observers within the constituency often point to the campaign slogan “Aiki Baya Hana Faduwa” as one of the strategic messages that influenced voter perception during that election cycle, a development that eventually altered the electoral outcome. Yet, within the Dawakin Kudu/Warawa political landscape, conversations about the future are already underway. Supporters and political associates argue that the circumstances surrounding the 2023 defeat have since evolved, noting that many of the actors who propelled the campaign narratives of that period have gradually distanced themselves from the beneficiary of the victory. This evolving political climate has revived discussions among grassroots supporters and party stakeholders about the possibility of Dawaki seeking a return to the House of Representatives in 2027. For many within the constituency, his potential comeback is framed not merely as a personal political ambition but as a restoration of a legislative figure they believe brought visibility and development initiatives to the area. Those close to his political structure say the network he built over twelve years in the National Assembly remains active and influential across communities in Dawakin Kudu and Warawa. Political analysts also note that his current role within the national leadership structure of the All Progressives Congress places him within an important strategic environment where national party decisions and alliances are shaped. Whether these factors will translate into a successful political return remains uncertain. Nigerian politics, particularly in Kano, is often shaped by evolving alliances, grassroots sentiment, and the broader calculations of party leadership. Now on, the growing conversations around Dawaki’s possible return illustrate a familiar pattern in democratic politics: electoral defeat rarely marks the end of political relevance for figures with enduring networks and long-standing grassroots connections. As the road toward the 2027 elections gradually takes shape, the question being quietly asked across Dawakin Kudu and Warawa is not only who will contest the seat, but whether Mustapha Bala Dawaki will once again answer the call of the people and seek their mandate to represent the constituency for continued development. Umar Idris Shuaibu is a digital journalist in Kano and can be contacted via shuaibuumaridris@gmail.com or 08066616097